A reminder that as the US continues to threaten countries around the world, fedposting is to be very much avoided (even with qualifiers like “in Minecraft”) and comments containing it will be removed.

Image is of Iranians celebrating the beginning of the ceasefire under the framework of Iran’s 10 Points.


Mere hours before Trump’s 8pm Tuesday deadline yesterday, Pakistan’s government contacted Iran with a US-written proposal for a two-week ceasefire, explicitly stated to also include Lebanon, during which they would negotiate a permanent end to the war on the basis of Iran’s 10 Points. Among other things, these points include 1) maintaining strict control (joint with Oman) over Hormuz, complete with a toll; 2) the end of sanctions on Iran; 3) keeping their enriched uranium; 4) a withdrawal of US forces from the Middle East [stated by the Supreme Leadership Council but not in the 10 Points, so who knows], and 5) some plausible guarantee that Iran would never be attacked again. I’ve heard rumors that China may have prodded Iran to accept these terms.

In theory, these are relatively confident and maximalist demands. In practice, Iran has already achieved military and economic control over Hormuz and the withdrawal of many US troops and bases from the region, so at least a few of Iran’s demands are, to a greater or lesser extent, already achieved, and with little hope for an increasingly exhausted US to undo these achievements short of nukes.

A couple hours after the ceasefire, the Zionist entity began a wave of airstrikes in Lebanon, killing hundreds of civilians, as well as flying drones into Iranian airspace. This was a strange move to make even if you assume - very sensibly - that the US is completely agreement non-capable: why not agree to the ceasefire and simply pretend to negotiate for two weeks while regrouping/repairing what assets you can and then start hitting Iran again?

One theory is that the Zionists are testing to what degree Iran is actually willing to have solidarity with Lebanon and Hezbollah. While the Resistance has been relatively united since October 7th, the formation of separate peaces instead of negotiating terms as a united front has been a major exploitable weakness. Alternatively, it’s been proposed that the US didn’t even consider using the ceasefire to regroup and deceive Iran, and that Trump merely wanted a way to chicken out of his threat on Iran’s electrical grid - the fact that US officials have since stated that Iran’s 10 Points were not the same ones they agreed to is a point supporting this, I suppose. If the conflict resumes and Trump does not deliver another 48 hour deadline (and/or makes it something silly like a month from now) then this could be the explanation.

From Iran, I am getting the sense that a lot is happening behind the scenes. Statements from top officials like Araghchi have stated quite plainly that there will be no ceasefire and no negotiations unless the Zionists stop attacking Lebanon, but as of ~24 hours after the ceasefire began, there has been no significant military response from Iran yet. There have apparently been phone calls between Araghchi and numerous regional officials, but it is unknown to what end. All the while, the global economic situation continues to deteriorate. Over the next week or two, the last tankers that left Hormuz before it closed will arrive at their destinations. If the missile exchanges begin once more, then the West, much like most of the rest of the world, will be experiencing all sorts of fuel, energy, food, and product shortages while trying to justify why they broke the ceasefire to kill more Lebanese civilians.


Last week’s thread is here.
The Imperialism Reading Group is here.

Please check out the RedAtlas!

The bulletins site is here. Currently not used.
The RSS feed is here. Also currently not used.

The Zionist Entity's Genocide of Palestine

If you have evidence of Zionist crimes and atrocities that you wish to preserve, there is a thread here in which to do so.

Sources on the fighting in Palestine against the temporary Zionist entity. In general, CW for footage of battles, explosions, dead people, and so on:

UNRWA reports on the Zionists’ destruction and siege of Gaza and the West Bank.

English-language Palestinian Marxist-Leninist twitter account. Alt here.
English-language twitter account that collates news.
Arab-language twitter account with videos and images of fighting.
English-language (with some Arab retweets) Twitter account based in Lebanon. - Telegram is @IbnRiad.
English-language Palestinian Twitter account which reports on news from the Resistance Axis. - Telegram is @EyesOnSouth.
English-language Twitter account in the same group as the previous two. - Telegram here.

Mirrors of Telegram channels that have been erased by Zionist censorship.

Russia-Ukraine Conflict

Examples of Ukrainian Nazis and fascists
Examples of racism/euro-centrism during the Russia-Ukraine conflict

Sources:

Defense Politics Asia’s youtube channel and their map. Their youtube channel has substantially diminished in quality but the map is still useful.
Moon of Alabama, which tends to have interesting analysis. Avoid the comment section.
Understanding War and the Saker: reactionary sources that have occasional insights on the war.
Alexander Mercouris, who does daily videos on the conflict. While he is a reactionary and surrounds himself with likeminded people, his daily update videos are relatively brainworm-free and good if you don’t want to follow Russian telegram channels to get news. He also co-hosts The Duran, which is more explicitly conservative, racist, sexist, transphobic, anti-communist, etc when guests are invited on, but is just about tolerable when it’s just the two of them if you want a little more analysis.
Simplicius, who publishes on Substack. Like others, his political analysis should be soundly ignored, but his knowledge of weaponry and military strategy is generally quite good.
On the ground: Patrick Lancaster, an independent and very good journalist reporting in the warzone on the separatists’ side.

Unedited videos of Russian/Ukrainian press conferences and speeches.

Pro-Russian Telegram Channels:

Again, CW for anti-LGBT and racist, sexist, etc speech, as well as combat footage.

https://t.me/aleksandr_skif ~ DPR’s former Defense Minister and Colonel in the DPR’s forces. Russian language.
https://t.me/Slavyangrad ~ A few different pro-Russian people gather frequent content for this channel (~100 posts per day), some socialist, but all socially reactionary. If you can only tolerate using one Russian telegram channel, I would recommend this one.
https://t.me/s/levigodman ~ Does daily update posts.
https://t.me/patricklancasternewstoday ~ Patrick Lancaster’s telegram channel.
https://t.me/gonzowarr ~ A big Russian commentator.
https://t.me/rybar ~ One of, if not the, biggest Russian telegram channels focussing on the war out there. Actually quite balanced, maybe even pessimistic about Russia. Produces interesting and useful maps.
https://t.me/epoddubny ~ Russian language.
https://t.me/boris_rozhin ~ Russian language.
https://t.me/mod_russia_en ~ Russian Ministry of Defense. Does daily, if rather bland updates on the number of Ukrainians killed, etc. The figures appear to be approximately accurate; if you want, reduce all numbers by 25% as a ‘propaganda tax’, if you don’t believe them. Does not cover everything, for obvious reasons, and virtually never details Russian losses.
https://t.me/UkraineHumanRightsAbuses ~ Pro-Russian, documents abuses that Ukraine commits.

Pro-Ukraine Telegram Channels:

Almost every Western media outlet.
https://discord.gg/projectowl ~ Pro-Ukrainian OSINT Discord.
https://t.me/ice_inii ~ Alleged Ukrainian account with a rather cynical take on the entire thing.


  • Tervell [he/him]@hexbear.net
    link
    fedilink
    English
    arrow-up
    41
    ·
    edit-2
    1 month ago

    archivers failed on this one unfortunately https://www.usni.org/magazines/proceedings/2026/april/navy-must-build-resilient-supply-chains-now

    The Navy Must Build Resilient Supply Chains Now

    Modern naval platforms are marvels of engineering—and nightmares of logistics.

    more

    “At this critical moment, the Joint Force is contending with an acquisition process and defense industrial base that are not optimized for protracted conflict. The U.S. does not have the throughput, responsiveness, or agility needed to deter our adversaries.”Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Dan Caine, U.S. Air Force

    General Caine’s assessment is a warning order for the U.S. Navy. Supply chain resilience underpins every aspect of naval power. From modernizing the fleet to sustaining existing platforms and from routine peacetime operations to contested logistics during a protracted conflict, the strength and adaptability of the Navy’s supply chains will determine whether the service can carry out its mission when called on. The supply chains supporting today’s military are complex and interdependent. Modern naval platforms are marvels of engineering—and nightmares of logistics. A single destroyer relies on thousands of suppliers across multiple tiers, spanning continents and industries. A critical microchip might be fabricated in Taiwan, while specialized steel alloys come from a handful of domestic foundries and precision-machined components come from small shops in the industrial heartland. When any link in this chain breaks, readiness is interrupted. Honest assessment is the first step toward forging a resilient supply chain. The Navy must evaluate the state of its logistical lines, qualify new suppliers to expand and optimize industrial capacity, and plan for alternative sources in case combat disrupts normal channels. This is existential work for a Navy that seeks to deter great powers and, if necessary, fight them and win.

    Measuring Resilience

    The old management maxim holds true: You cannot improve what you do not measure. Without data on supply chain performance, it is impossible to determine whether logistical networks are fragile or resilient. The Navy needs to develop a system to measure that performance so it can answer fundamental questions: Are critical suppliers financially stable? Do they maintain adequate surge capacity? Can they source raw materials from multiple vendors? These questions demand answers grounded in data, not assumptions. A comprehensive measurement framework must accomplish several objectives. First, it must visualize multitier supply chains. Prime contractors may appear healthy, but what about their lower tier suppliers—the specialized manufacturers producing components no one else can? A weakness three tiers down can cascade to disrupt the production of a billion dollar warship. Second, measurement enables accountability. On-time delivery rates, quality metrics, and price trends reveal which suppliers are performing and which are struggling. By analyzing these metrics, program managers could identify suppliers who need support before small problems become program-killing failures. Early intervention—whether through additional contracts, technical assistance, or capital investment—could stabilize a wobbling supply base before it collapses. Third, resilience metrics could derisk naval modernization, sustainment, and combat readiness. Consider the Columbia-class ballistic-missile submarine program, for which schedule adherence is nonnegotiable. Real-time supply chain visibility would allow program managers to identify potential delays months in advance, enabling corrective action before the critical path is affected. For sustainment, resilience data could reveal which aging platforms face parts-obsolescence risks, informing decisions about service life extensions versus early retirement. For combat readiness, metrics could identify potential points of failure that could cripple fleets. The technology to achieve this visibility exists. Digital twins, blockchain-enabled tracking, and AI-powered predictive analytics

    cereal2 peltier-laugh

    Americans will try every techbro buzzword under the sun before even thinking about nationalizing industry

    can map supply chains in detail. The challenge is organizational. To systematically measure and share resilience requires breaking down bureaucratic silos, incentivizing information sharing, and investing in the kind of mundane back-office systems that make modern warfare possible.

    Enhancing Resilience Through Supplier Diversification

    Measurement reveals vulnerabilities; action addresses them. The new tool the Navy most needs for building resilience is systematic qualification of new suppliers to expand industrial capacity and eliminate dangerous dependencies. The industrial landscape is riddled with single-source and sole-source suppliers—companies that are either the only qualified vendor or the only vendor, period, for critical components. This concentration risks catastrophe. A fire at one facility, a labor dispute, a bankruptcy, or sabotage could halt production across entire programs. The pandemic offered a preview of this fragility when semiconductor shortages cascaded through the economy, delaying everything from automobiles to weapon systems. Qualifying alternative suppliers is neither quick nor cheap. The Navy’s rigorous quality standards exist for good reason—lives depend on equipment performing flawlessly under extreme conditions.

    heh, we’ve been seeing some real flawless performance from Navy equipment recently doggirl-smug

    Qualifying a new supplier for a complex component might require months of testing, facility audits, and process validation. But this investment ensures resilience, which is priceless. A supply base with multiple qualified vendors for critical items can absorb disruptions. Reliable economic incentives are crucial to increase the supplier base. Small and medium manufacturers will not invest in new equipment and workforce training on the possibility of occasional orders. They need the certainty of long-term contracts and guaranteed minimum volumes. The Department of Defense has tools to provide that certainty, from multiyear procurement authorities to economic order quantity contracting. Used strategically, these tools can stimulate investment in critical capabilities while distributing risk across a broader industrial base. Foreign partners also have a role to play. Many components can be sourced from allied nations with advanced manufacturing capabilities. Reciprocal qualification agreements, such as those envisioned under AUKUS, can create multinational supply networks resistant to disruptions in a single nation. A critical sensor unavailable from U.S. suppliers might be manufactured by British or Australian firms, while U.S. industrial capacity supports their programs in return.

    Rapid Resilience for Contested Logistics

    During a major conflict, such as a Taiwan contingency, the Navy’s supply chains would face stresses they have not experienced since World War II. Planning, measurement, and supplier qualification in peacetime aim to maintain operational capability during sustained combat. Consider the logistics challenge. Taiwan is a critical node in global supply chains. It produces the advanced semiconductors that permeate modern weapon systems. A conflict in the Taiwan Strait would increase demand for these components while potentially cutting off their primary source. Ships damaged in combat would require repair parts fabricated from materials that may no longer be accessible through normal channels. Prime contractors such as Lockheed Martin and transportation providers such as Maersk operate sophisticated global networks optimized for peacetime efficiency. War would shatter those optimizations. Routes would become contested, ports close, and suppliers in combat zones cease operations. The logistics enterprise must rapidly pivot from just-in-time delivery to whatever-it-takes survival mode.** The Defense Logistics Agency and Naval Supply Systems Command would bear enormous responsibility in such a scenario. Their peacetime mission of cost-effective, efficient supply chain management would give way to the wartime imperative to maintain the flow of critical matériel under fire. Stockpiles would be positioned forward in protected locations, while alternative transportation routes are activated. Surge production would begin even as normal production is disrupted.

    cont’d in response

    • limer@lemmy.ml
      link
      fedilink
      English
      arrow-up
      20
      ·
      1 month ago

      The USA milbloggers are starting to remind me of the Russian ones. Super patriots who have really good suggestions, and critical insights, that have no hope of implementation.

    • Tervell [he/him]@hexbear.net
      link
      fedilink
      English
      arrow-up
      16
      ·
      1 month ago
      more

      Allied logistics infrastructure would be critical. Regional repair facilities in allied nations provide damage control capability beyond the reach of adversary weapons. Logistics hubs in Australia, Japan, and partner nations can distribute risk and provide redundancy. Therefore, AUKUS and similar partnerships are not just about capability development—they are about creating a resilient, distributed logistics network that can sustain operations even as individual nodes come under attack. The concept of “rapid resilience” encompasses the ability to reconstitute broken supply chains faster than the adversary can disrupt them. This requires prepositioned alternative suppliers, established relationships with allied logistics providers, stockpiles of long-lead-time items, and the authority to bypass peacetime contracting processes. It means having qualified suppliers ready to fulfill the main plan and continue to deliver when that plan breaks down, with the digital infrastructure to redirect orders instantly when a source becomes unavailable.

      Call to Action

      The Chairman’s warning is unambiguous: The defense industrial base is not prepared for the challenges ahead. Answering his call requires action across multiple fronts. Naval leaders must prioritize supply chain resilience as a warfighting requirement, not an administrative afterthought. This means dedicating resources to measurement systems, investing in supplier qualification programs, and exercising contested logistics scenarios with the same rigor applied to combat exercises. Congress must provide the authorities and funding necessary for long-term industrial base investments. Multiyear contracts, accelerated qualification processes, and incentives for critical capability development require legislative action. This cannot be not pork-barrel spending—it is strategic investment in deterrence and warfighting capability. Industry partners must embrace transparency and collaboration. Real-time data sharing about sub-tier supplier health, proactive identification of emerging risks, and willingness to invest in redundant capacity even when it affects short-term profits demonstrate the kind of strategic partnerships the nation needs. Allied nations must deepen integration of industrial bases through reciprocal qualification agreements, shared logistics infrastructure, and coordinated surge planning. The next major conflict will test the resilience of the allied logistics network.

      History teaches that wars are won not just by the quality of weapons but by the ability to sustain operations across time and distance. The Navy that can repair damage, replace losses, and keep fighting despite disrupted logistics will prevail. The Navy that cannot will fail, regardless of how sophisticated its platforms or skilled its personnel. Supply chain resilience is not a technical problem for logistics specialists to solve in isolation. It is a strategic imperative that demands official attention, resource allocation, and sustained focus. The time to build resilience is now, in peacetime, while the Navy can methodically address vulnerabilities and create redundancies. Once conflict begins, it will be too late. General Caine has issued the warning order. The Navy must answer with action.